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Appropriating nationalism and patriotism markers
Markers such as singing of Vande Mataram and the hoisting of the national flag have often been turned into a communal dispute.
Flag Hoisting
The Idgah Maidan controversy at Hubli mainly revolves around a flag hoisting ceremony which the BJP wanted to conduct (as mentioned under disputed space: Idgah Maidan). The place, already being a place of dispute, proved to be the ideal place for the BJP to politicize the matter and exploit the communal potential of the dispute. By insisting on hoisting the national flag on a land which was already in dispute, they tried to evoke feelings of nationalism against the Anjuman-e-Islam. From 1992, the BJP tried to hoist the lag on Independence Day and Republic Day, causing violence, in different variances each year. Eventually, this dispute partially resolved when the Anjuman itself hoisted the flag at the Idgah Maidan in 1995.
Others
News paper articles
In December 1986, Mysore witnessed its first communal riot which lasted for 1 week. This riot was seen as an extension of the Bangalore riots over the short story in the Deccan Herald titled “Mohammed the Idiot”. More than 200 vehicles, mostly two –wheelers, were burned down, more than 200 shops were either looted or set on fire and more than 400 homes were looted, damaged or burned causing property loss of Rs. 88 lakhs. There were more than 800 arrests made in the riots that left 4 dead and 250, including 75 policemen, injured.
Links with the mafia
The gang’s fury in the group clashes at Kurtakoti and Antur-Bentur villages in Dharwad, in May 1997 was said to have been heightened by an alleged mafia type operation by a gang of youths which extorted money from the people and molested women. The men who were killed by the angry mob were said to have links with this gang and the villagers had been trying to break this nexus for a long time now.
Elections
Elections are an important occasion through which the process of communalism is furthered. There are several issues here that need to be looked at beginning with the fielding of candidates.
Vote banks, Congress and communalization
During assembly elections in 1978 Bhatkal witnessed its first communal riot in which 18 shops were looted. Again in 1991 communal riots broke out when a political party used a mosque loud-speaker for an election speech. The police resorted to firing claiming 2 students.
In the 10th November 1989 riots in Shimoga, Arsikere and Dharwad, though the riot was supposedly due to processions, especially the bursting of crackers at the time of the day when large number of Muslims had gathered for prayers, taken out by the VHP to mark the laying of the foundation-stone for the Ram Temple in Ayodhya, however the clash was actually a consequence of the elections with each party blaming the other for the trouble and having different versions for what sparked of the riots.
The Janatha Dal Chief was of the opinion that trouble was sparked off after ‘some students through firecrackers by mistake into the mosque’. The BJP district President gave the version that ‘some boys had burst crackers in front of the temple that just happened to be on the other side of the street from the mosque’. The sitting Congress MLA insisted that none of this was material as ‘it is only a very temporary aberration and will subside in a day or two’.
At least till prior to the 1990 Kolar riots, the Congress only fielded Muslim candidates as a way of securing a stable vote bank. In the 1983 elections the Congress Muslim candidate made his Muslim identity as the base while the BJP/JP made it clear that not another Muslim candidate must be elected from Kolar. With the victory of the JP Hindu candidate, backed by the BJP, the RSS/BJP activists got credibility. In fact after the latter’s victory again in 1985, Kolar witnessed the first Hindu Samojotsava organized by the RSS/BJP and actively supported, financially and otherwise, by the JP.
Election time has emerged as a ripe period for communal incidents of varying degrees.
The recent 2004 elections to the parliament and assembly in Karnataka had its share of communal incidents. In Sridharnagar in Sagar, in poll related communal violence, a gang of around 30-40 men barged into residents into homes in the dead of the night and issued threats to them. They pelted stones at Muslim homes in the area. The men were looking for liquor and money that would have apparently been used in campaigning.
Preoccupation of officials with elections
It has been seen that in the 1986 Mysore riots the official machinery had been too preoccupied with the Zilla Parishad elections to attend to the settlement of compensation claims.
Spread of Hindutva
The manner in which Hindutva spreads is in itself a rather curious phenomenon that needs to be closely analyzed.
Before the Hindu–Sikh riots that took place in Bidar (September 1988), an important recent development there has been the growth of majority communal ideology. Although not reflected in electoral terms, there has been the propagation of communal attitudes and prejudices by several groups such as the BJP, the RSS and the VHP. Many of those linked to these groups are also connected to the large number of educational societies there and use such connections to propagate their ideologies.
For instance, in Dharwad, Hindu youths had been trained under an RSS/VHP outfit, by a ‘Seth’ living there, about 8 months before the demolition of the Babri Masjid. After these demolitions, there were rumours about an alleged stoning of a temple. (An inspection of the temple did not show any damage due to the alleged stoning). By this time, a mob of around 200 persons gathered in front of the temple, intent upon attacking Muslims and their property.
It was the young Hindus who had been trained by the RSS/VHP who along with some other ‘anti social elements’ from the neighboring villages swelled the ranks of the mob that ravaged Uppinabettigeri, Dharwad after such rumors had spread. The Muslims of the village maintain that except for these youths, who have been communalized by the RSS, the Hindus of the village harbor no ill feelings towards the Muslims of the village. Likewise the Hindu on 12/12/92 reported that the RSS and its sympathizers had gone on a stabbing spree in the town of Bidar.
Hero worship of RSS Ideologues
The December 1998 riots in Kolar were a result of the RSS celebrations of the birth centenary of late Hedigewar, founder of RSS.
In Hubli, in 2001, during the birthday celebrations of the VHP President Ashok Singhal, many of the speeches made had anti-Muslim and anti-Pakistan references, with a lot of RSS/VHP supporters shouting out anti-Muslim slogans. This played a role in both, exciting the supporters as well as putting the Muslims themselves on guard, giving rise to communal tensions.
Linguistic chauvinism
A look into the gradual build-up to the riots periodically experienced in Kolar clearly demonstrates how the first seeds of separation were sown as language chauvinism developed in the region. The language chauvinism which developed in Karnataka from 1967 initiated the Kannada sanghas whose activities were confined to decorating the cinema stars and cinema houses when Kannada (Rajkumar) films were released in the town. Rajyotsava celebrations got a start in 1970. The language, Kannada was referred by zealots as Kannada Mother – Kannada Mathe.
The Mother symbol is highly reverential and Mother Kannada was deified as Bhuvaneswari though in turn it was akin to every other female deity. Hence all the deities were assembled in a long queue and a procession was taken out in the streets of Kolar. Thus, Rajyotsava really was a procession of all the deities available in and around Kolar town. Only the slogans gave the indication of Kannada (like Kannada baalleli, sirigannadom gelli).
Later, like most of these Sanghas, this too came to be controlled by the RSS. By 1985 the RSS was able to organize a Hindu consolidation day – Hindu Samajotsava on the lines of Rajyotsava celebrations where all the deities in Kolar are assembled in a place and a procession is taken out in the streets. Inciting slogans like “Bharatiyaru Hindugalu”, “Namma Desha Hindu Desha”, “Namma Rakta Hindu Rakta” and “Navalla Vondu Hindu” were shouted. This procession created a genuine fear among the other minorities. From this celebration a clear signal was delivered to minorities that the majority community was communalized.
Temples
One thing that has emerged is that the communal organizations, be it the RSS or VHP, have kept up the tempo of religious / communal fervor through various activities of theirs especially moving into temple committees or even renovating or building new temples, especially near mosques and dargahs.
This is clearly seen in Kolar where RSS made it a point to establish a Hindu temple nearby almost every existing Muslim religious tomb. As such the Jalakanteswara Temple which stood ruined for 400 years near Antaraganga Hills in the vicinity of the Jalal Sha Wali’s (Sufi saint) tomb was renovated. Overnight, a Shakti Ganapathi Temple stood up in front of Pallavi Theatre near the tombs of Hazrath Musthan Sha Qaadin Mutan and two others.
Setting up of institutions
Another important process of sustaining communal tensions has been through the indoctrination of youth and children.
In Kolar, the RSS/BJP infiltrated the then defunct Brahman Sangha, collected funds and got a municipal site registered in its name after which further financial contributions were invited for the construction of a hostel and auditorium, which was completed in 1982. At the same time the RSS also started a primary school called Chinmaya Vidyalaya which now runs schools up to High School.
Committed activists
Another important requirement for the entrenchment of Hindutva in societies has been the emergence of local level committed activists of the communal forces.
Kolar has such a local here too, one J Parthasarathy, who made his bones by getting arrested along with other RSS activists during Emergency. Even as the RSS infiltrated the existing organizations, it was his personal financial contributions that ensured acquisition of a municipal site in the name of Brahman Sangha. By this time he had become the backroom coordinator of most RSS activities including founding the Sarvajanika Ganesh Samiti and Chinmaya Vidyalaya as well. In fact he even started a weekly “Jana Bimba” (now defunct). But J Parthasarathy has got journalist accreditation and free bus passes and invitations to Government functions etc. through this.
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