Kharak Singh

Connecting the Dots in Sikh History will be formally relased at a seminar sponsored by Institute of Sikh Studies in Chandigarh on November 13, 2004. It is a collection of essays covering different events in Sikh History authored by Harbans Singh Noor. The introduction of the book by Dr. Kharak Singh is being published in the current issue of SikhSpectrum.com.

Introduction

It is a pleasure to write an introduction to an anthology which offers so much valuable information on some crucial events in Sikh history. I came in contact with the author only recently when he offered the manuscript for publication. I was deeply impressed by the wealth of information it contains, and needs to be shared with the public. I consulted my colleagues Dr Kirpal Singh and Prof. Prithipal Singh, both doyens of Sikh history. They pointed out that S. Harbans Singh Noor had brought out certain facts, which were not known to most historians, and supported the proposal for publication of the book.

Born in 1926, S. Harbans Singh Noor graduated from Panjab University, Lahore in 1943, to enter publishing and journalism career. He retired in 1984 after 26 years of service with the United Nations Information Service (USIS), New Delhi – 16 years as Editor (Chief of Punjabi Press Unit) and last 10 years as a Cultural Affairs Specialist (Chief of Programme Development and Research Unit – a mini Think Tank). In the latter capacity, he edited and produced a number of thematic portfolios and articles on international economic and political relations, and American life and letters, for use by intellectuals participating in various seminars, organised by the USIS in different parts of India and other countries in North-East Asia. He earned a special award for preparing a comprehensive book on Nuclear Non-Proliferation, which was distributed by the Agency in Several Countries of the world.

It is indeed gratifying to note that after retirement he has decided to use his rich background in the service of the cause of Sikh history. While developing a comprehensive chronology, Timeliness of Sikh History (1469-1984), as a research tool, he has published several articles on the Internet. The present collection represents a very presentable sample of the rich treasure he has accumulated over the years.

As the title of the book indicates, it is not a systematic account of any particular period of Sikh history. The author has selected some special events on which he had clues, which deserve highlighting; but are not known to many. For example, in the very first essay, in order to show ‘how far ahead of his time Guru Nanak was in crusade for human rights and social justice’, he offers a cursory glance over Europe of Guru Nanak's time. He draws attention to widespread religious intolerance among Roman Catholic Christians and the Protestants, burning of thousands of innocent men and women on charges of heresy or witchcraft, the large scale extermination of Muslims from Spain, and Jews from several countries of Europe, Corruption in the Roman Catholic Church, the sale of indulgences by Popes, etc.

Martin Luther, contemporary of Guru Nanak ‘Triggered the Reformation movement’, by challenging the authority of Popes. On human rights, religious freedom, universal brotherhood or the unity of God, his record was no better that of Popes. “In 1521 he declared that heresy should be subject to no physical penalty. Ten years later he assented to the death penalty for blasphemy.” He even defended the atrocities committed by rulers saying, “The fact that rulers are cruel and wicked, does not excuse tumult and rebellion. To punish wickedness does not belong to everybody, but to the worldly rulers who bear the sword.” ‘Historians estimate that over 75,000 peasants were killed in 1525.’ And they were not wicked, but poor peasants who raised their voice against tyranny.

“Originally Luther was against violence and tolerant towards the Jews, hoping to attract and convert them to Protestantism. But later incensing that the Jews had not followed his brand of Christianity, he outlined eight actions to be taken against them:

–  Burn all synagogues;

–  Destroy all Jewish homes;

–  Confiscate all Jewish holy books;

–  Forbid Rabbis to teach on pain of death;

–  Forbid Jews to travel;

–  Confiscate Jewish property;

-  Force Jews to do physical labor;

And in case the preceding restrictions proved insufficient, expel all Jews.” On one occasion, Luther said, “I would threaten to cut their tongues out from their throats, if they refuse to acknowledge the truth that God is trinity and not unity.” Another celebrity of this age in Europe was Niccolo Machiavilli who preached that ‘politics must be held completely independent of morality’ and ‘that it is necessary to learn how not to be good.’

It is S. Harbans Singh Noor who has perhaps for the first time pointed out the huge contrast between the values preached in Europe and the teaching of Guru Nanak, based on unity of God, brotherhood of mankind, and emphasis on moral deeds.

In the second chapter the author shows that religious intolerance had reached alarming proportions in India also. He cites the little known case of Yodhan, Brahmin youth who was awarded death penalty in an assembly of Muslim Ulema, for no other crime than saying, “Religion of Musalmans is true, and so also is that of Hindus.” The contrast lies on the fact that Guru Nanak did not side with the rulers. He condemned oppression and social injustice in no uncertain terms from whatever quarters it came.

In the chapter on Bhagat Kabir, the author has pointed out that Rama Nand was not Kabir's guru, for he never mentioned him in any of his compositions. In Eastern values, concealing one’s guru is considered unethical something which Kabir would never do. Kabir leaves no doubt about it when he says:

    “Make the Lord your companion
     And be free of joy and sorrow
     He was not born as Dashrath’s son
     Nor did he will the King of Lanka.”

The author also convincingly refutes the false propaganda that Guru Nanak was a disciple of Kabir.

In the 4th Chapter, the author traces the origin of the Masand System, and its laudable performance in the initial stages. The Gurus constantly watched their performance. When, however, corruption entered the system, Guru Gobind Singh abolished the system and punished the culprits. Their authority was eventually passed on to the sangat or the Khalsa created the Baisakhi day of 1699 CE.

Chapter five is an illuminating account of Guru Gobind Singh’s last journey. The author discusses Guru Gobind Singh’s meeting and negotiations with Emperor Bahadur Shah. In a scholarly analysis of the events enumerated in the chapter, the author comes to conclusion that blame for assassination of Guru Gobind Singh squarely falls on the Emperor Bahadur Shah himself.

It is not my intention to discuss the contents of all chapters. The one’s dealt with above are a sample. The role of Rani Sada Kaur in the building of Ranjit Singh’s Sarkar-i-Khalsa, has not received due attention from historians. The account of the death of Prince Nau Nihal Singh, leaves no doubt that it was murder and not the result of an accident. The author has exploded the myth that Duleep Singh embraced Christianity of his own free will. He proves that the missionary John Login systematically brain washed the child prince with encouragement from the British authorities and collaboration of a Brahmin Bhajun Lal. One thing that needs to be noted in this whole episode is that religious education of Duleep Singh had been completely neglected. Even when he was shifted from Lahore, no Sikh agreed to go with him to impart religious instruction. As a result, the child was an easy prey to the conspiracy to convert him to Christianity.

In one of the chapters, the author brings out the bravery and commitment of the common mass of Sikh soldiery and the treachery of the Brahmin Commanders sold out to the British.

The account of the Mutiny of 1857 is very revealing. Sikhs are often blamed for its failure. In a masterly analysis of the events described in this chapter, the author concluded that Sikhs as a community did not side with the British. It was only some Sikh chiefs in the Cis-Satluj territories, who provided some help, since they were bound by treaties. It needs to be noted that these chiefs were on the side of the British even in the Anglo-Sikh Wars.

Happily the author has included a chapter on high Sikh character as a Sant Sipahi and records the eulogy paid by an enemy like Qazi Nuruddin.

In the end, I must say that the ‘dots’ in Sikh History selected for the book, are especially well-picked: the author has done full justice to each topic, and has set new standard for depth of study and critical analysis. I am sure both scholarly and common readers will enjoy reading this book. This collection is a real contribution in the study of Sikh history for which I congratulate the author and hope that this is only the first of similar works expected from him in the future.

I also wish to record my appreciation of the Institute of Sikh Studies for deciding to publish the book.

Excerpted from Timeliness of Sikh History (1469-1984)

A brief summary: Prime Minister Indira Gandhi was assassinated by two of her Sikh bodyguards, Beant Singh and Satwant Singh, at her residence on October 31, 1984 The event was followed by large-scale attacks on Sikhs, in the capital and other cities. Thousands of innocent Sikh men, women and children were murdered, and Sikh properties worth tens of millions was vandalized, looted and burnt – mostly under the eyes of the law authorities.

Since the attack on Golden Temple in June 1984, it was generally believed that Mrs. Gandhi would die at the hands of Sikh assassins. Her son, Rajiv Gandhi, Haryana Chief Minister Bhajan Lal and some other Congress activists close to Rajiv Gandhi had decided to teach Sikhs a lesson, in case the assassination became a reality. Satwant Singh and Beant Singh had, after the shooting, surrendered their weapons. Other members of the Security Guard, including commandos of the Indo-Tibetan Border Police, took them to a room. They were shot at. Beant Singh died on the spot, while Satwant Singh survived to face a trial along with Kehar Singh – an alleged accomplice in conspiracy. Both were hanged.

In the wake of wholesale massacre of Sikhs, after the assassination of Mrs. Gandhi, with obvious guidance of Congress leaders, there was a hue?? and cry from many quarters, asking for an enquiry into the role of law authorities in the tragic events. In response, a Commission of Enquiry was set up under the Chairmanship of Justice Ranga Nath Mishra. It was eyewash. Justice Mishra, going beyond the original scope of enquiry concluded that no Congress leader was involved in violence. That earned him the position of Chief Justice of India, and later Chairmanship of the National Human Rights Commission.

At 8:40 in the morning of October 31, 1984 Prime Minister Indira Gandhi was shot by her own bodyguards Beant Singh and Satwant Singh. She was taken to All India Medical Institute, where she was declared dead at 1:30 in the afternoon, but the news of her death was delayed till 6.00 p.m. Her son Rajiv Gandhi was sworn in by President Zail Singh, as Prime Minister. Three other Cabinet Ministers were sworn along with him. Defence portfolio was retained by Rajiv Gandhi himself.

Attacks on Sikhs started soon after Delhi papers flashed spot news at 1: 40 p.m. that the assassins were two of her Sikh bodyguards and another clean-shaven Sikh.

By the nightfall attacks on Sikh properties and Sikh families became common in different parts of the Capital. The army was alerted at 2 a.m. on November 1, but was called 12 hours later, at 2.00 p.m., after forceful pleadings by eminent citizens, to reluctant President Zail Singh, and Home Minister P.V. Narasimaha Rao and Lt. Governor P.G. Gavai. Curfew was imposed at 6,00 p.m. but army was still absent from the scene of disturbances.

The army was called into the Capital after 60 people died and another 1,000 injured in communal violence following Mrs. Gandhi’s assassination. (The Times of India, New Delhi, Nov. 1, 1984.)

Although the situation had gone out of control, the Lt. Governor failed to alert the army until Wednesday. It took him 24 hours to impose curfew and call in the army. (Indian Express, New Delhi, Nov. 2, 1984.)

According to an entry dated October 31, 1984 in the logbook of Seelampur, Delhi, police station, a message was recorded that some vehicles of the Sikh regiment of the Army were on the roads and the troops did not know where to report. (H.S. Phoolka, riot victims council, statement on November 19, 2001, before the Justice Nanavati Commission, probing the 1984 anti-Sikh riots. The Tribune, Chandigarh, November 20, 2,001.)

Mass killings of Sikhs continued while Police stood by and military also not in action. At 10.p.m. The Prime Minister defended military inaction by informing the Opposition that there was not enough military available.

On Friday (Nov. 2), violence took place in the city, perhaps the bloodiest day in its history. Hundreds were killed. Not even a head-count was available. Entire colonies were wiped out. In east Delhi alone, 500 people were killed. In this senseless massacre, east Delhi was the worst affected. Almost dyed in blood. There were corpses in the mortuary attached to Tis Hazari police station. There were 350 corpses in a single street of Trilokpuri. A couple of army officers were spotted at the place but they had no control over the all-out violence or orders to shoot. (The Indian Express, Nov. 3.) [Emphasis added.]

Despite requests to the Home Minister, no protection was provided to Sikhs traveling by trains.

No protection was provided to Sikh passengers and 43 of them are reported to have been murdered. (Times of India, November 3, 1984.)

Lt. General J.S. Aurora (Retd.) in an affidavit before the Nanawati Commission, looking into the massacre of Sikhs in the wake of Indira Gandhi’s assassination, stated on October 30, 2,001: Mobs under the guidance of Congress “leaders” sought out and burned Sikhs, killed Sikh children, and destroyed Sikh properties in Delhi, Kanpur and other cities. Survivors had to take shelter in refugee camps, organized mostly by private groups. Sporadic violence continued for several days

According to official figures 2,915 Sikhs were killed, and not a single person was arrested or charge-sheeted, for the monumental crimes. (Iqbal Singh, Punjab Under Siege. 1986. P. ix.)

Non-governmental sources put Sikh casualties at 5,000 dead, 20,000 injured, 50,000 families uprooted, hundreds of Gurdwaras vandalized, and thousands of copies of the holy Sikh scriptures, the Granth Sahib, put to fire. (Gurcharan Singh Babbar, Government Organised Carnage of November 1984.)